Spelman's flood insurance is the UK's Obamacare

Just wetter. And less controversial. Much like Britain.

Caroline Spelman is in talks with the insurance industry about mandating coverage of houses damaged through severe flooding.

The Telegraph reports:

Ministers are concerned that some insurance firms are able to "cherry pick" customers in low-risk areas and refuse to offer cover to home owners in flood-prone neighbourhoods.

At the same time, customers in high risk parts of the country cannot "shop around" for cheaper policies because they are tied in to their current providers under the existing agreement.

The Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs said most insurance companies already raise "a small sum" from policy holders to cover the cost of insuring homes at high risk of flooding.

Mrs Spelman said she was proposing nothing more than "formalising" the existing "cross-subsidy" and that talks with insurance firms have made "significant progress".

The paper reports this with the headline "Every home to pay price of floods", seemingly missing that this is the point of insurance. Individuals suffering severe losses mitigate the damage by spreading it around society. In most areas, this optional; in some, such as motoring and (in a way) health, it is not.

The real question is whether or not insurance companies should be allowed to refuse to insure those who live in areas prone to flooding.

The free-marketeer point of view is that of course they should. It's a commercial transaction, like any other, and it's not the government's prerogative to force one party to enter in to it if they aren't happy.

But the problem is that large swathes of the UK are prone to serious flooding. And as climate change bites, that's only going to get worse. It doesn't necessarily mean your house is definitely going to go underwater – if that were the case, you really should move – but it may be enough to render many places uninsurable.

And what then? It's all very well telling, say, the entire population of London, Kent and Essex east of the Thames Barrier that they are prone to flooding, but that isn't going to lead to them moving. Or, even worse, it might; Britain would be subject to development pressures like never before if that we the case.

It's almost exactly the same as the major change brought in by Barack Obama in his Affordable Healthcare Act. That requires American health insurers to cover anyone who applies for insurance, without discriminating against pre-existing conditions; the Spelman deal will require British home insurers to cover anyone, without discriminating against pre-existing general floodiness.

We do get off slightly lightly, in that the most controversial part of Obamacare isn't needed here. The individual mandate, which levies a fine on Americans who can afford health insurance but don't buy it, is needed because of the fear that people would wait until they were diagnosed with a long-term condition before buying health insurance. If they did, insurance costs would spiral as insurers would be unable to use the premiums of healthy people to pay for the sick.

Luckily, there isn't really a comparable problem for homes. If your house is underwater, it's probably a bit too late to buy insurance. Although if Spelman's deal leads to people desperately dialing Direct Line as the water flows up their street towards their front porch, that may need to be reconsidered.

The flooded village of Penkridge. Photograph: Getty Images

Alex Hern is a technology reporter for the Guardian. He was formerly staff writer at the New Statesman. You should follow Alex on Twitter.

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The Women's March against Trump matters – but only if we keep fighting

We won’t win the battle for progressive ideas if we don’t battle in the first place.

Arron Banks, UKIP-funder, Brexit cheerleader and Gibraltar-based insurance salesman, took time out from Trump's inauguration to tweet me about my role in tomorrow's Women’s March Conservative values are in the ascendancy worldwide. Thankfully your values are finished. . . good”.

Just what about the idea of women and men marching for human rights causes such ill will? The sense it is somehow cheeky to say we will champion equality whoever is in office in America or around the world. After all, if progressives like me have lost the battle of ideas, what difference does it make whether we are marching, holding meetings or just moaning on the internet?

The only anti-democratic perspective is to argue that when someone has lost the argument they have to stop making one. When political parties lose elections they reflect, they listen, they learn but if they stand for something, they don’t disband. The same is true, now, for the broader context. We should not dismiss the necessity to learn, to listen, to reflect on the rise of Trump – or indeed reflect on the rise of the right in the UK  but reject the idea that we have to take a vow of silence if we want to win power again.

To march is not to ignore the challenges progressives face. It is to start to ask what are we prepared to do about it.

Historically, conservatives have had no such qualms about regrouping and remaining steadfast in the confidence they have something worth saying. In contrast, the left has always been good at absolving itself of the need to renew.

We spend our time seeking the perfect candidates, the perfect policy, the perfect campaign, as a precondition for action. It justifies doing nothing except sitting on the sidelines bemoaning the state of society.

We also seem to think that changing the world should be easier than reality suggests. The backlash we are now seeing against progressive policies was inevitable once we appeared to take these gains for granted and became arrogant and exclusive about the inevitability of our worldview. Our values demand the rebalancing of power, whether economic, social or cultural, and that means challenging those who currently have it. We may believe that a more equal world is one in which more will thrive, but that doesn’t mean those with entrenched privilege will give up their favoured status without a fight or that the public should express perpetual gratitude for our efforts via the ballot box either.  

Amongst the conferences, tweets and general rumblings there seem three schools of thought about what to do next. The first is Marxist  as in Groucho revisionism: to rise again we must water down our principles to accommodate where we believe the centre ground of politics to now be. Tone down our ideals in the hope that by such acquiescence we can eventually win back public support for our brand – if not our purpose. The very essence of a hollow victory.

The second is to stick to our guns and stick our heads in the sand, believing that eventually, when World War Three breaks out, the public will come grovelling back to us. To luxuriate in an unwillingness to see we are losing not just elected offices but the fight for our shared future.

But what if there really was a third way? It's not going to be easy, and it requires more than a hashtag or funny t-shirt. It’s about picking ourselves up, dusting ourselves down and starting to renew our call to arms in a way that makes sense for the modern world.

For the avoidance of doubt, if we march tomorrow and then go home satisfied we have made our point then we may as well not have marched at all. But if we march and continue to organise out of the networks we make, well, then that’s worth a Saturday in the cold. After all, we won’t win the battle of ideas, if we don’t battle.

We do have to change the way we work. We do have to have the courage not to live in our echo chambers alone. To go with respect and humility to debate and discuss the future of our communities and of our country.

And we have to come together to show there is a willingness not to ask a few brave souls to do that on their own. Not just at election times, but every day and in every corner of Britain, no matter how difficult it may feel.

Saturday is one part of that process of finding others willing not just to walk a mile with a placard, but to put in the hard yards to win the argument again for progressive values and vision. Maybe no one will show up. Maybe not many will keep going. But whilst there are folk with faith in each other, and in that alternative future, they’ll find a friend in me ready to work with them and will them on  and then Mr Banks really should be worried.