The best of Paul Krugman vs Reddit

Nobel prize-winning economist fields questions from "The Front Page of the Internet". What could go

Paul Krugman has a new book coming out, which means he is doing a lot of thing that one doesn't normally see from a Nobel Prize-winning economist. First he debated Ron Paul on Bloomberg TV, including a bizarre interlude involving inflation in third-century Rome. Then yesterday, he did a question and answer session with Reddit, the hugely popular social news site which brands itself "The Front Page of the Internet".

Under the headline IamA Nobel Prize-winning economist and New York Times columnist, Krugman – username nytimeskrugman – spent a couple of hours answering questions from Reddit users. Here are some of his best answers.

Responding to user sychosomat, who asked about the problems caused by the inability to perform experiments in economics, Krugman wrote:

Well, not being able to do experiments is a problem, but not as bad as all that. We do have statistical techniques for trying to sort out what's going on, although I'm skeptical about their power. But mainly we can look for "natural experiments", which often tell you a lot. In End This Depression I talk about how wars provide a natural experiment on fiscal policy; right now forced austerity in Europe is providing another set of natural experiments.

You may ask whether both sides in every debate won't nonetheless find ways to support their positions. My answer here is that this is not, in fact, happening. On the question of whether austerity is expansionary or contractionary, we had some alleged evidence for expansionary effects, but it was quickly shot down by the normal process of scholarly discussion. In any normal scientific debate, this would now be a settled issue.

I guess that what I'm saying here is that while the non-experimental nature of economics is an issue, the apparent inability to resolve differences that you see right now is about politics, not the inherent problems of the discipline.

Cthwaites asked how close we are to repeating the mistake in 1925, when Britain returned to the gold standard for seven disastrous years. Kurgman:

All around Europe's periphery they're doing it as we speak, er, type. The euro has served as the functional equivalent of the gold standard.

The difference for, say, Spain is that since they don't have their own currency, it's much harder to change course than it would have been for Britain under gold. But if you look at, say, Latvia, they're doing the full Churchill -- and being hailed as a role model even as they enforce a devastating slump on themselves.

Asked by Curbsidejohnman to give the best argument against austerity, Krugman replied:

I think it is to point out that if nobody is buying, nobody can sell. Austerity in a depressed economy makes the depression deeper, and that is, I believe, a point people can grasp. Of course, it's a point made easier to grasp now that the Irish and others have given us such clear examples of how bad the results of austerity can be.

Bloometal asked about Krugman's views on behavioural economics. Krugman wrote:

I think there's a lot of very good work in behavioral econ. But I don't expect a unified theory for many, many years. There are just two many ways the assumption of perfect rationality can fail, and I don't think we have enough broader understanding to put it all in one package.

That said, we can use behavioral econ even as it is, as long as we're modest about modeling. As long as we are prepared to say "this is how people actually seem to behave" without demanding general theorems -- for example the obvious reluctance to accept nominal wage cuts -- we can go a long way toward analyzing real-world issue in a way that can guide both prediction and policy.

Finally, one of Krugman's answers which works best without any context:

Shave around it every day, and get your wife to clip it fairly often.

(Oh all right, he was talking about his beard)

Photograph: Getty Images/Reddit.com

Alex Hern is a technology reporter for the Guardian. He was formerly staff writer at the New Statesman. You should follow Alex on Twitter.

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Donald Trump brings home his dark vision of America at the Republican convention

The Presidential nominee pledged: "Safety must be restored."

Donald Trump brought home the Republican convention Thursday night with a dark vision of contemporary America – a darkness he claimed only his leadership could lift. It was a lengthy, tightly-scripted speech framed around polarities – insiders and outsiders, criminals and victims, the United States and the rest of the world – and infused with righteous anger. And yet against the darkness, he offered not lightness but “greatness” – a bombastic, personalistic vision of how through sheer force of will he could right the American ship before it plunged irretrievably into the depths. “I alone can solve,” he famously tweeted earlier in the campaign. This was the 80-minute version.

Any presidential challenger, of course, has to lay out a set of problems they believe need fixing and a case for why their leadership might make a difference. It was the breathtaking scale and intensity of Trump’s diagnosis, and the lack of optimistic alternative to counterbalance it, that was notable compared to other acceptance speeches. He portrayed the United States as a country riddled with crime and corruption, a “rigged system” in which politicians like Hillary Clinton can evade justice, while police officers trying to protect its citizens become targets; a fearful country, its economy sluggish, its infrastructure crumbling, its security an illusion, and its international stature in freefall

For a candidate who has mocked the soaring rhetoric of President Obama (the “hopey-changey stuff,” as Sarah Palin once called it), it was perhaps not surprising that Trump’s speech would be short on uplift. It was at least more disciplined than his other campaign speeches, if in keeping with their tone and content – the much-maligned teleprompter rolling a script to which he largely stuck. (“He sounds presidential,” a lady behind me remarked, though his press conference Friday morning marked a reversion to free-wheeling form).

It was short on substance too, though acceptance speeches aren’t designed to be policy laundry lists like a State of the Union. Still, there were few specifics, beyond a pledge to revise tax laws which inhibit religious groups from political advocacy, and a newfound concern with student loans. It was daughter Ivanka’s speech that had the greater substantive heft, promising her father would push for new labour laws to help working mothers, and for affordable childcare in the US. Neither are traditional Republican positions, but the crowd seemed on board for anything Trump might offer.

He even had them cheering for LGBTQ rights, after recalling the tragedy in Florida last month, and the need to protect gay Americans from a “hateful foreign ideology” in radical Islam. “It is so nice as a Republican to hear you cheering for what I just said,” he commended the delegates in an unscripted moment. But whether they had really embraced this unexpected message – or if it was the anti-terror chaser that really got them on their feet – remains to be seen. In either case, it was a rare grace note in an otherwise bruising speech.

Presenting himself repeatedly as the candidate of “law and order,” Trump evoked Richard Nixon’s 1968 presidential campaign. At a time when American cities were erupting in race riots and protests over the Vietnam War, Nixon had pitched himself as the face of stability and security. Likewise Trump has reacted to the simmering racial tensions and terrorist attacks this summer with a hard-line stance on “lawlessness.” “Safety must be restored,” Trump said, in one of the eerier lines he delivered. Yet in his convention speech, Nixon had balanced his tough talk with a positive message – speaking of love, courage, and lighting a “lamp of hope” in partnership with the American people. 

Trump channeled another president in his speech, too, when he promised to give voice to “the forgotten men and women of our country” – drawing on the language of Franklin Roosevelt. Roosevelt had promised to aid “the forgotten man at the bottom of the economic pyramid” during the 1932 campaign. But Roosevelt’s solution to the forgotten man’s distress was economic internationalism – tearing down tariff walls and trading freely with the world – which the Republican Party then opposed. Trump’s solution is the protectionist policies Roosevelt had railed against.

Trump’s economic and security philosophy is encapsulated in another, more notorious phrase associated with that era: “America First.” A rallying cry for isolationists seeking to avoid US entanglement in World War II, it acquired an anti-Semitic taint. But Trump has employed it nonetheless, capturing as it does his core argument that America must do more to protect its own citizens against threats from within and without – from illegal immigrants, from radicalized Islamic terrorists, from the downsides of free international trade. Little wonder that former George W.

Bush staffer Nicolle Wallace announced that the Republican party she knew “died in this room tonight.” In embracing elements of isolationism, protectionism, and nativism, however, it is perhaps truer to say that Trump’s Republican party reverted to an earlier form.

Often disconcerting, at times mesmerizing, the question remains how effective this speech will be. The delegates responded enthusiastically to Trump’s fierce rhetoric, but many prominent Republicans had stayed away from the convention altogether. Combined with Senator Ted Cruz’s non-endorsement, Trump goes into the general election campaign without a fully united party behind him. For both partisans and the public, Trump’s speech offered a cast of villains to rally against, but no positive, unifying vision to rally behind – beyond the much-touted yet elusive “greatness,” of course. In a typical election year, that would seem a critical flaw in a campaign – but Trump loves to confound the naysayers. As his convention speech showed, he thinks the formula that got him this far - showcasing his fame and fanning Americans’ fears – can land him in the White House.