Is Argentina allowed to seize YPF?

Argentina's expropriation of its former state oil company attracted international condemnation - but

Argentina's expropriation of 51 per cent of the shares of YPF, the formerly state-owned oil company, has generated almost universal criticism.  Indeed, Antonio Brufau, Repsol’s executive chairman, has labelled Argentina’s action as “manifestly illegal and gravely discriminatory”, and has emphasised Repsol’s intention to use international arbitration to gain proper compensation if it is not freely offered by Argentina. Such language is undoubtedly useful for Repsol as a means of generating support for its position, but an examination of precisely what international law says about expropriation is illuminating as to the potential losses that Repsol now faces.

Whether or not Argentina’s action violates international law is an important question for Repsol, as the standard of compensation differs for legal and illegal expropriations. Consequently, if Repsol can establish that Argentina has violated international law it potentially stands to gain considerably greater compensation than if the law has been observed.

It is important to note, however, that expropriations are not inherently illegal under international law. The ability to take property from private entities is simply one of the benefits of being a state. The important question, then, is whether Argentina has adhered to the applicable standards in performing the expropriation. Currently available information suggests that it has.

Firstly, an expropriation must be undertaken for a public purpose. Argentina’s expressed goal of regaining national energy self-sufficiency and ensuring the viability of an important industry clearly satisfies this requirement, and there is as yet no indication of any alternative motive.

Secondly, the expropriation must be non-discriminatory. If, for example, the Argentine government had taken Repsol’s shares in YPF and redistributed them to a private Argentine entity, Repsol may have been able to argue discrimination. Such an action would have indicated that Repsol’s foreign nationality was a motivating factor in the expropriation. However, the expropriated shares are being retained in government hands, YPF’s remaining shareholders include other foreign entities, and Argentina has offered plausible arguments as to why YPF’s performance was insufficient for the needs of the country. Absent new evidence, then, Repsol will have difficulty substantiating its allegation that the expropriation is "discriminatory".

Thirdly, the expropriation must be performed in accordance with due process of law. Argentina is undertaking the expropriation through the passage of legislation and there has been no accusation that Repsol will be deprived of any legal rights it has to challenge the expropriation in Argentine courts. Consequently, there is no current evidence that Argentina is violating this requirement.

Finally, an appropriate level of compensation must be paid for any expropriated property. This is the point on which the greatest uncertainty remains, as the Argentine government has not yet stated how much compensation it intends to pay to Repsol. Moreover, there are clear political pressures within Argentina to minimise the amount of compensation that Repsol receives. If Argentina bows to these pressures, and offers Repsol an amount indefensible as an estimate of the market value of the company, it will likely be found to have acted illegally. However, the efforts that have so far been made by Argentina’s representatives to link lowered compensation payments to such things as potential hidden debts and environmental liabilities indicates that Argentina is well aware of this issue, and is unlikely to propose an amount of compensation that is not at least facially plausible as a market valuation of the expropriated shares.

Of course, while it is important for Argentina that its actions be found to be legal, simple legality will not protect it from all the potential negative consequences of such a prominent expropriation. Perceptions matter in attracting foreign investment, and Argentina will need significant foreign investment if it is to achieve its goal of a return to energy self-sufficiency. For this reason, as attractive as it may be to the Argentine government to minimise the compensation it offers to Repsol, this is unlikely to be in Argentina’s long-term best interest. A single act of expropriation is unlikely to deter foreign investors, even when it is as large as Argentina’s expropriation of YPF. However, a perception that the Argentine government will not treat foreign investors fairly will deter them, and any indication that the government is more interested in minimizing the compensation it pays to Repsol than in fixing a fair price for Repsol’s shares in YPF will have precisely that effect. In the long term, such a valuation may well cost Argentina more money than it saves.

The second part of this post can now be found here.

View at sunset of the port next to the gas plant of YPF in Buenos Aires. Photograph: Getty Images

Tony Cole is a senior lecturer at Brunel Law School

John Moore
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The man who created the fake Tube sign explains why he did it

"We need to consider the fact that fake news isn't always fake news at the source," says John Moore.

"I wrote that at 8 o'clock on the evening and before midday the next day it had been read out in the Houses of Parliament."

John Moore, a 44-year-old doctor from Windsor, is describing the whirlwind process by which his social media response to Wednesday's Westminster attack became national news.

Moore used a Tube-sign generator on the evening after the attack to create a sign on a TfL Service Announcement board that read: "All terrorists are politely reminded that THIS IS LONDON and whatever you do to us we will drink tea and jolly well carry on thank you." Within three hours, it had just fifty shares. By the morning, it had accumulated 200. Yet by the afternoon, over 30,000 people had shared Moore's post, which was then read aloud on BBC Radio 4 and called a "wonderful tribute" by prime minister Theresa May, who at the time believed it was a genuine Underground sign. 

"I think you have to be very mindful of how powerful the internet is," says Moore, whose viral post was quickly debunked by social media users and then national newspapers such as the Guardian and the Sun. On Thursday, the online world split into two camps: those spreading the word that the sign was "fake news" and urging people not to share it, and those who said that it didn't matter that it was fake - the sentiment was what was important. 

Moore agrees with the latter camp. "I never claimed it was a real tube sign, I never claimed that at all," he says. "In my opinion the only fake news about that sign is that it has been reported as fake news. It was literally just how I was feeling at the time."

Moore was motivated to create and post the sign when he was struck by the "very British response" to the Westminster attack. "There was no sort of knee-jerk Islamaphobia, there was no dramatisation, it was all pretty much, I thought, very calm reporting," he says. "So my initial thought at the time was just a bit of pride in how London had reacted really." Though he saw other, real Tube signs online, he wanted to create his own in order to create a tribute that specifically epitomised the "very London" response. 

Yet though Moore insists he never claimed the sign was real, his caption on the image - which now has 100,800 shares - is arguably misleading. "Quintessentially British..." Moore wrote on his Facebook post, and agrees now that this was ambiguous. "It was meant to relate to the reaction that I saw in London in that day which I just thought was very calm and measured. What the sign was trying to do was capture the spirit I'd seen, so that's what I was actually talking about."

Not only did Moore not mean to mislead, he is actually shocked that anyone thought the sign was real. 

"I'm reasonably digitally savvy and I was extremely shocked that anyone thought it was real," he says, explaining that he thought everyone would be able to spot a fake after a "You ain't no muslim bruv" sign went viral after the Leytonstone Tube attack in 2015. "I thought this is an internet meme that people know isn't true and it's fine to do because this is a digital thing in a digital world."

Yet despite his intentions, Moore's sign has become the centre of debate about whether "nice" fake news is as problematic as that which was notoriously spread during the 2016 United States Presidential elections. Though Moore can understand this perspective, he ultimately feels as though the sentiment behind the sign makes it acceptable. 

"I use the word fake in inverted commas because I think fake implies the intention to deceive and there wasn't [any]... I think if the sentiment is ok then I think it is ok. I think if you were trying to be divisive and you were trying to stir up controversy or influence people's behaviour then perhaps I wouldn't have chosen that forum but I think when you're only expressing your own emotion, I think it's ok.

"The fact that it became so-called fake news was down to other people's interpretation and not down to the actual intention... So in many interesting ways you can see that fake news doesn't even have to originate from the source of the news."

Though Moore was initially "extremely shocked" at the reponse to his post, he says that on reflection he is "pretty proud". 

"I'm glad that other people, even the powers that be, found it an appropriate phrase to use," he says. "I also think social media is often denigrated as a source of evil and bad things in the world, but on occasion I think it can be used for very positive things. I think the vast majority of people who shared my post and liked my post have actually found the phrase and the sentiment useful to them, so I think we have to give social media a fair judgement at times and respect the fact it can be a source for good."

Amelia Tait is a technology and digital culture writer at the New Statesman.