60 per cent of FTT revenues would come from Britain (even if we "opted out")

An interesting note from Ernst & Young's ITEM club outlook has been going around today. It's from way back in February, but I can't find anything that contradicts it since:

The European Commission (EC) has not published detailed revenue estimates of the FTT at a national level, but the EC acknowledges they would be distributed unevenly in line with trading volumes at EU exchanges. The Ernst & Young ITEM Club has used the information provided by the Commission to consider the impact on the UK in two scenarios, the introduction of the FTT across the EU including the UK and the scenario if the UK opts out. 

[Neil Blake, senior economic adviser to the Ernst & Young ITEM Club] comments: “Taking the EC’s estimates at face-value, if the FTT is introduced across the EU, the UK financial sector would generate around 75 per cent of the total revenues.

“However, even if the UK were to opt out of the FTT, if a reverse charge mechanism was applied, we expect the UK financial sector would still contribute around 60 per cent of total revenues. Moreover, these revenues would flow directly to governments in the Eurozone rather than to the UK Exchequer.”

The financial transaction tax has been rather on the back foot in recent months. The eurocrisis has moved far beyond the level where simple government revenues could be imputed as a possible solution, while the debate in Britain was derailed by the veto-that-never-was. Most of the debate this summer, including on this blog, has focused on the tax's behavioural effects, particularly with regard to high frequency trading.

But the revenue benefits of the tax shouldn't be forgotten. There's a lot of trading which isn't HFT, and which will go on largely unaffected by a transaction tax. And if 60 per cent of the revenue would come from Britain, that's quite a lot of money which the Government wants to leave on the table. 

 

Alex Hern is a technology reporter for the Guardian. He was formerly staff writer at the New Statesman. You should follow Alex on Twitter.

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Who will win in Manchester Gorton?

Will Labour lose in Manchester Gorton?

The death of Gerald Kaufman will trigger a by-election in his Manchester Gorton seat, which has been Labour-held since 1935.

Coming so soon after the disappointing results in Copeland – where the seat was lost to the Tories – and Stoke – where the party lost vote share – some overly excitable commentators are talking up the possibility of an upset in the Manchester seat.

But Gorton is very different to Stoke-on-Trent and to Copeland. The Labour lead is 56 points, compared to 16.5 points in Stoke-on-Trent and 6.5 points in Copeland. (As I’ve written before and will doubtless write again, it’s much more instructive to talk about vote share rather than vote numbers in British elections. Most of the country tends to vote in the same way even if they vote at different volumes.)

That 47 per cent of the seat's residents come from a non-white background and that the Labour party holds every council seat in the constituency only adds to the party's strong position here. 

But that doesn’t mean that there is no interest to be had in the contest at all. That the seat voted heavily to remain in the European Union – around 65 per cent according to Chris Hanretty’s estimates – will provide a glimmer of hope to the Liberal Democrats that they can finish a strong second, as they did consistently from 1992 to 2010, before slumping to fifth in 2015.

How they do in second place will inform how jittery Labour MPs with smaller majorities and a history of Liberal Democrat activity are about Labour’s embrace of Brexit.

They also have a narrow chance of becoming competitive should Labour’s selection turn acrimonious. The seat has been in special measures since 2004, which means the selection will be run by the party’s national executive committee, though several local candidates are tipped to run, with Afzal Khan,  a local MEP, and Julie Reid, a local councillor, both expected to run for the vacant seats.

It’s highly unlikely but if the selection occurs in a way that irritates the local party or provokes serious local in-fighting, you can just about see how the Liberal Democrats give everyone a surprise. But it’s about as likely as the United States men landing on Mars any time soon – plausible, but far-fetched. 

Stephen Bush is special correspondent at the New Statesman. His daily briefing, Morning Call, provides a quick and essential guide to British politics.