The Friday Arts Diary

Our cultural picks for the week ahead.


Tate Britain, London SW1 - Another London: International Photographers Capture City Life 1930 – 1980, 27 July–16 September 

Tate Britain explores the capital city through the eyes of some of the most significant names in international photography, from Henri Cartier-Bresson to Eve Arnold. Bringing together 180 classic photographs, Another London explores the city’s rich complexity.


Raven Row, London E1 – The Real Truth – A World’s Fair, 28 July–19 August

Suzanne Treister’s project at Raven Row is spread over four weekends with speeches from a global futurist, an anarcho-primitivist and a US security agency insider within a specially designed theatre. A World’s Fair also hosts an exhibition including three unique libraries, two video lounges and designs for a virtual world’s fair. On 28 July Robert Rydell, the international expert on the power of world’s fairs to define the modern world, delivers a keynote speech.


The Africa Centre, London WC2 – And Crocodiles Are Hungry At Night, 31 July–18 August

Bilimankhwe Arts and Nanzikambe Theatre present the UK premiere of And Crocodiles Are Hungry At Night - the award-winning dissident poet Jack Mapanje’s prison memoir, adapted and directed by Kate Stafford. Mapanje was imprisoned in Malawi’s Mikuyu prison in 1987 without charge and remained there for over three years despite a prolonged international outcry.


BFI Southbank, London SE1 - The Genius of Hitchcock, 1 August–31 October

The BFI stages its biggest project to date - a complete retrospective of the 58 surviving Hitchcock feature films, with on-stage interviews including Tippi Hendren, the ultimate “Hitchcock Blonde”. The project opens on 1 August with two different screenings of Hitchcock’s Blackmail – a rare silent version with live musical accompaniment and a sound version.


Wigmore Hall, London W1 – Ian Bostridge, 28 July

Ian Bostridge concludes his Ancient & Modern series at the Wigmore Hal, a season-long residency which has seen the tenor explore influences, musical visions and period instrumentation. This closing recital concentrates on modernity with works by Benjamin Britten, his contemporary Hans Werner Henze and the American pioneer John Cage alongside Schubert lieder. The Chinese guitarist Xuefei Yang joins the evening’s journey through drifting soundscapes.

BFI Southbank launches its Hitchcock retrospective (Photo: Getty)
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The conflict in Yemen is a Civil War by numbers

Amid the battles, a generation starves.

Ten thousand dead – a conservative estimate at best. Three million internally displaced. Twenty million in need of aid. Two hundred thousand besieged for over a year. Thirty-four ballistic missiles fired into Saudi Arabia. More than 140 mourners killed in a double-tap strike on a funeral. These are just some of the numerical subscripts of the war in Yemen.

The British government would probably prefer to draw attention to the money being spent on aid in Yemen – £37m extra, according to figures released by the Department for International Development in September – rather than the £3.3bn worth of arms that the UK licensed for sale to Saudi Arabia in the first year of the kingdom’s bombing campaign against one of the poorest nations in the Middle East.

Yet, on the ground, the numbers are meaningless. What they do not show is how the conflict is tearing Yemeni society apart. Nor do they account for the deaths from disease and starvation caused by the hindering of food imports and medical supplies – siege tactics used by both sides – and for the appropriation of aid for financial gain.

Since the war began in March 2015 I have travelled more than 2,500 miles across Yemen, criss-crossing the front lines in and out of territories controlled by Houthi rebels, or by their opponents, the Saudi-backed resistance forces, or through vast stretches of land held by al-Qaeda. On those journeys, what struck me most was the deepening resentment expressed by so many people towards their fellow Yemenis.

The object of that loathing can change in the space of a few hundred metres. The soundtrack to this hatred emanates from smartphones resting on rusting oil drums, protruding from the breast pockets of military fatigues, or lying on chairs under makeshift awnings where flags denote the beginning of the dead ground of no-man’s-land. The rabble-rousing propaganda songs preach to the watchful gunmen about a feeble and irreligious enemy backed by foreign powers. Down the road, an almost identical scene awaits, only the flag is different and the song, though echoing the same sentiment, chants of an opponent altogether different from the one decried barely out of earshot in the dust behind you.

“We hate them. They hate us. We kill each other. Who wins?” mused a fellow passenger on one of my trips as he pressed green leaves of the mildly narcotic khat plant into his mouth.

Mohammed was a friend of a friend who helped to smuggle me – dressed in the all-black, face-covering garb of a Yemeni woman – across front lines into the besieged enclave of Taiz. “We lose everything,” he said. “They win. They always win.” He gesticulated as he spoke of these invisible yet omnipresent powers: Yemen’s political elite and the foreign states entangled in his country’s conflict.

This promotion of hatred, creating what are likely to be irreversible divisions, is necessary for the war’s belligerents in order to incite tens of thousands to fight. It is essential to perpetuate the cycle of revenge unleashed by the territorial advances in 2014 and 2015 by Houthi rebels and the forces of their patron, the former president Ali Abdullah Saleh. This demand for retribution is matched by those who are now seeking vengeance for the lives lost in a UK-supported, Saudi-led aerial bombing campaign.

More than 25 years after the two states of North and South Yemen united, the gulf between them has never been wider. The political south, now controlled by forces aligned with the Saudi-led coalition, is logistically as well as politically severed from the north-western territories under the command of the Houthi rebels and Saleh loyalists. Caught in the middle is the city of Taiz, which is steadily being reduced to rubble after a year-long siege imposed by the Houthi-Saleh forces.

Revenge nourishes the violence, but it cannot feed those who are dying from malnutrition. Blowing in the sandy wind on roadsides up and down the country are tattered tents that hundreds of thousands of displaced families now call home. Others have fled from the cities and towns affected by the conflict to remote but safer village areas. There, food and medical care are scarce.

The acute child malnutrition reported in urban hospitals remains largely hidden in these isolated villages, far from tarmac roads, beyond the reach of international aid agencies. On my road trips across Yemen, a journey that would normally take 45 minutes on asphalt could take five hours on tracks across scrubland and rock, climbing mountainsides and descending into valleys where bridges stand useless, snapped in half by air strikes.

Among the other statistics are the missing millions needed by the state – the country’s largest employer. Workers haven’t been paid in months, amid fears of an economic collapse. This is apparently a deliberate tactic of fiscal strangulation by the Saudi-backed Yemeni government-in-exile. The recent relocation of the central bank from the Houthi-controlled capital, Sana’a, to the southern city of Aden is so far proving symbolic, given that the institution remains devoid of funds. The workforce on both sides of the conflict has taken to the streets to protest against salaries being overdue.

Following the deaths of more than 140 people in Saudi-led air strikes on a funeral hall on 8 October, Saleh and the Houthi leader, Abdulmalik al-Houthi, called for yet more revenge. Within hours, ballistic missiles were fired from within Houthi territory, reaching up to 350 miles into Saudi Arabia.

Meanwhile, in the Red Sea, Houthi missile attacks on US warships resulted in retaliation, sucking the US further into the mire. Hours later, Iran announced its intention to deploy naval vessels in the area.

Vengeance continues to drive the violence in Yemen, which is being drawn ever closer to proxy conflicts being fought elsewhere in the Middle East. Yet the impact on Yemeni society and the consequences for the population’s health for generations to come are unlikely to appear to the outside world, not even as annotated numbers in the brief glimpses we get of this war. 

This article first appeared in the 20 October 2016 issue of the New Statesman, Brothers in blood