The curious case of Standard Chartered

And another bad week for banking.

This has been another bad week for the banking industry. For all that some sections of the media will enjoy presenting the allegations against Standard Chartered as the latest example of greedy bankers putting financial interests before ethics or morals, this episode feels more nuanced

That it involves the self-proclaimed "boring bank" Standard Chartered, previously praised by myself and several much wiser industry experts for its prudence and caution through boom and subsequent financial crisis, is unexpected. That it involves a UK bank allegedly consorting with drug dealers, terrorists and Iranian militants seems even stranger. So what does this episode teach us about the state of banking?

1. The banking industry is no longer held in high regard. Had the allegations been made against a firm in another industry or profession there would have been genuine shock as well as outrage. But we appear to have reached some kind of greed fatigue when it comes to bankers. The only surprise at this latest revelation was that it involved a bank formerly thought to be above the rest. Standard Chartered’s reputation (not to mention its share price) has taken a hit and will take a while to recover.

2. International finance is extremely complex. This is easy to believe because it’s only when a fresh scandal breaks that some new complexity of the financial system is revealed. Very few outside the Square Mile knew a collatoralized debt obligation from a credit default swap before the 2008 financial crisis. Some within the City (including senior figures) struggled to explain them even when they’d turned bad and taxpayers were footing the bill. Every awkward revelation since has unveiled a bit more complexity. One reason ex-Barclays CEO Bob Diamond gave little away to the Treasury Select Committee was because they didn’t know enough of the detail. A simple question from Bob about which Libor rate they were referring to would have stymied most of the committee. Very few people understand enough to take bankers to task. Regulating and overseeing this complexity is tough. It’s hard to even begin to guess where the next scandal will be, what fresh villainy it will reveal and what new complexity will be uncovered. We need banking legislation that can cover what Donald Rumsfeld would call the unknown unknowns.

3. We need prudence back. It became something of a comical phrase after Gordon Brown first wore it out as chancellor and then abandoned it when the sums got tricky. But effective regulation of banks requires prudent valuation of their complex financial dealing and of assets and liabilities. It used to be an essential element of all accounting best practice, but has been increasingly forgotten as modern standards (including IFRS) place the emphasis elsewhere. More thorough auditing and prudent valuation of all banking activities would be a sensible start.

4. We need banks to exercise self-control. It’s obvious that current systems for regulation haven’t worked. While some changes are taking place on a national level, there is still not enough international co-operation. On the plus side, the most recent scandals have come to light as a result of regulators investigating and reporting on alleged bad behaviour. But it’s a slow process and is all too retrospective. As always, financiers are innovating ahead of regulators. Bankers hate the idea of introducing excessive regulation on financial markets. And it wouldn’t help the world economy. But they have to show that the financial services industry can take responsibility for its own actions. We don’t need more regulation, but we do need better, more effective regulation. This requires better internal auditing, stronger compliance regimes and more self-control on the part of the banks. To use Diamond’s phrase, we need more banks with a culture where people behave ethically when no one’s watching.

5. Regulators are also subjective. One of the problems the Standard Chartered case has highlighted is that the complexity, power and importance of banking itself means that banking regulation must also be highly complex. It also attracts the attention of some who would seek to use the potential power for other means. The focus of the Standard Chartered allegations on dealing with Iran has led some observers to suggest the claims serve a wider political purpose in the US. While it’s not clear what that purpose might be, other than rubbishing London at the expense of New York, the claim highlights how national best interests are rarely aligned with either individual commercial goals or the wider global good.

6. It’s time for an international banking amnesty. With each revelation of wrongdoing we learn something new about the banks and something depressing about our society. We should waive further fines or punishments if all the banks agree to sign up once and for all to a thorough and totally transparent immediate assessment of all of their books. Like some sort of one-off super-audit, it would allow them to own up now to all the things they would normally like auditors and regulators not to see. We need to know where all the bodies are buried, right across the system.

This article first appeared in economia.

Standard Chartered. Photograph: Getty Images

Richard Cree is the Editor of Economia.

Photo: Getty
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Rising crime and fewer police show the most damaging impacts of austerity

We need to protect those who protect us.

Today’s revelation that police-recorded crime has risen by 10 per cent across England and Wales shows one of the most damaging impacts of austerity. Behind the cold figures are countless stories of personal misery; 723 homicides, 466,018 crimes with violence resulting in injury, and 205,869 domestic burglaries to take just a few examples.

It is crucial that politicians of all parties seek to address this rising level of violence and offer solutions to halt the increase in violent crime. I challenge any Tory to defend the idea that their constituents are best served by a continued squeeze on police budgets, when the number of officers is already at the lowest level for more than 30 years.

This week saw the launch Chris Bryant's Protect The Protectors Private Member’s Bill, which aims to secure greater protections for emergency service workers. It carries on where my attempts in the last parliament left off, and could not come at a more important time. Cuts to the number of police officers on our streets have not only left our communities less safe, but officers themselves are now more vulnerable as well.

As an MP I work closely with the local neighbourhood policing teams in my constituency of Halifax. There is some outstanding work going on to address the underlying causes of crime, to tackle antisocial behaviour, and to build trust and engagement across communities. I am always amazed that neighbourhood police officers seem to know the name of every kid in their patch. However cuts to West Yorkshire Police, which have totalled more than £160m since 2010, have meant that the number of neighbourhood officers in my district has been cut by half in the last year, as the budget squeeze continues and more resources are drawn into counter-terrorism and other specialisms .

Overall, West Yorkshire Police have seen a loss of around 1,200 officers. West Yorkshire Police Federation chairman Nick Smart is clear about the result: "To say it’s had no effect on frontline policing is just a nonsense.” Yet for years the Conservatives have argued just this, with the Prime Minister recently telling MPs that crime was at a record low, and ministers frequently arguing that the changing nature of crime means that the number of officers is a poor measure of police effectiveness. These figures today completely debunk that myth.

Constituents are also increasingly coming to me with concerns that crimes are not investigated once they are reported. Where the police simply do not have the resources to follow-up and attend or investigate crimes, communities lose faith and the criminals grow in confidence.

A frequently overlooked part of this discussion is that the demands on police have increased hugely, often in some unexpected ways. A clear example of this is that cuts in our mental health services have resulted in police officers having to deal with mental health issues in the custody suite. While on shift with the police last year, I saw how an average night included a series of people detained under the Mental Health Act. Due to a lack of specialist beds, vulnerable patients were held in a police cell, or even in the back of a police car, for their own safety. We should all be concerned that the police are becoming a catch-all for the state’s failures.

While the politically charged campaign to restore police numbers is ongoing, Protect The Protectors is seeking to build cross-party support for measures that would offer greater protections to officers immediately. In February, the Police Federation of England and Wales released the results of its latest welfare survey data which suggest that there were more than two million unarmed physical assaults on officers over a 12-month period, and a further 302,842 assaults using a deadly weapon.

This is partly due to an increase in single crewing, which sees officers sent out on their own into often hostile circumstances. Morale in the police has suffered hugely in recent years and almost every front-line officer will be able to recall a time when they were recently assaulted.

If we want to tackle this undeniable rise in violent crime, then a large part of the solution is protecting those who protect us; strengthening the law to keep them from harm where possible, restoring morale by removing the pay cap, and most importantly, increasing their numbers.

Holly Lynch is the MP for Halifax. The Protect the Protectors bill will get its second reading on the Friday 20th October. 

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