Making the best of shareholder activism

Navigating the shareholder spring.

Imagine the scene. You’re ready to sleepwalk your way through the yearly AGM ritual, you’re expecting a few shareholders to show up purely for the sarnies and the most exciting part of your day will be deciding what to wear. All of a sudden, reality breaks in and remuneration is in the cross hairs. The Association of British Insurers (ABI) issues a red top alert, ISS (Institutional Shareholder Services) issues a "vote against" recommendation, your shareholders are emboldened by the shareholder spring and vote against the remuneration report. Press coverage is destructive, you face public humiliation and although the vote isn’t binding, there’s so much pressure on you that you become yet another victim of anger about boardroom pay, another name in the hall of shame.

Sound familiar? Ask Sly Bailey of Trinity Mirror or Andrew Moss of Aviva, who are now seeking employment. Or Sir Martin Sorrell of WPP or Ralph Topping of William Hill, both of whom had their pay packets pummelled by shareholder anger.

Smaller companies have also been engulfed by this fury and are, in many respects, even more vulnerable. Cairn Energy took a roasting with 67 per cent votes against and 10 per cent abstentions on its pay report. AIM company Central Rand Gold was rocked by a 75 per cent revolt against its pay policy. Small cap Pendragon faced an ABI red top alert and an embarrassing climb down after a "no" vote.

That was the Shareholder Spring of 2012.

Shareholder votes on pay may only be advisory but directors who don’t listen to the message risk the ultimate sanction of being voted out. And it’s not just votes against which matter. Abstentions are often used to show a yellow card which directors should read as a clear signal to get round the table and talk to investors.

Remuneration consultants may be having a feeding frenzy advising on pay policy but the key area under the spotlight right now is the communication disconnect between companies and their shareholders.

Help is at hand

Investor activism is a way of shareholders flexing their muscles and demanding that you engage. Companies large and small should take to heart the need to talk to and listen to their shareholders so that they don’t end up with battle lines drawn, leadership resignations or picking up the pieces afterwards. Nobody wants to be hauled over the coals in public.

It can be tough being a CEO or an FD. You have to run the company, make hard decisions in a difficult economic climate, get your teams to implement them, deal with multiple claims on your time and somehow still find time to keep your investors happy. There are only 24 hours in a day and if you’re a smaller quoted company, it’s likely that your investor relations team is CEO and FD, both of you running at full stretch with no investor relations officer to support you.

The good news is that help is at hand. CEOs and FDs who want to avoid the sapping skirmishes of the shareholder spring can use a five-piece investor communications kitbag to put themselves on the front foot, selecting tools based on the amount of time available. Forward-planning helps smooth the way and reduces the risk of a public drubbing. And, it gives you a fabulous opportunity to bring your shareholders on side as cheerleaders for your company.

Tool #1 - Shareholder engagement

Dialogue matters. Planned, long term engagement puts companies in the driving seat. Regular dialogue with shareholders creates an atmosphere of understanding and builds trust; it enables directors to inspire confidence in the company and in the integrity of the executive team as you set expectations and educate investors about the value drivers of your business.

ABI director general Otto Thoresen told a recent Treasury Select Committee that company engagement with shareholders is “beginning to change but it’s not uniform and not fast enough”. Companies who only communicate when they have to are missing out on a great opportunity. Let’s face it, if you bump into someone you hardly know each year at an AGM and they ask you to lend them £1,000 for a business you know nothing about, you wouldn’t do it. If you meet a contact on a regular basis who tells you about their business in a way that excites and interests you, explains its strategy, prospects and progress against plan, then if that person asks you to lend them £1,000, there’s a higher chance that you’ll do it.

The reporting calendar provides the perfect framework for shareholder engagement. Quarterly results and interim management statements are part of a regular reporting cycle, giving you the opportunity to showcase your company to the market and helping reduce share price volatility.

Tool #2 - Perception study

Everybody wants to know what other people think of them and companies are no different. If directors want to manage their company’s profile and valuation, it’s essential to understand shareholders’ opinions about the company, the leadership team and the strategy so that you can ensure no nasty surprises at a vote.

John McFarlane, chairman of Aviva, lights the way. As he picks up the pieces in the wake of his former CEO’s resignation, his message to shareholders of 5 July recognises how important it is to find out what investors think about a company. McFarlane emphasises the importance of communicating and of listening when he says “over the past few weeks, I have met with our major shareholders and, in addition to their disappointment over our share performance, I believe there are legitimate concerns”.

Companies must communicate with buy side shareholders, listen to them and understand them, preferably before things get sticky. Even for companies with a good record of active shareholder engagement, a perception study is a powerful tool because it enables the board to take stock of the company’s current positioning in the eyes of the investment audience and it drives out those areas which need to be focused on in their IR strategy. It comes into its own when a board is unsure of where shareholder sentiment lies in the months ahead of a vote and wants to test shareholder mood, with time to act on the findings.

Tool #3 - Engagement with voting agencies

As the time of a vote draws near, companies may be blindsided by proxy voting recommendations. Proxy voting agencies are a section of the market many directors are not aware of and which require a nuanced understanding. They exist in the middle ground between a buy side shareholder and that shareholder’s vote.

Take the case of William Hill, which faced a difficult vote on its CEO’s retention package. Chairman Gareth Davis commented, "We consulted with the majority of our major shareholders and most recognised the importance of what was being put in place for William Hill's future. Whilst many of our largest shareholders supported the Remuneration Report resolution, one of the most influential vote advisory bodies recommended a vote against. It appears that a large number of shareholders across our share register voted in line with this recommendation.”

Savvy directors do not have to sit back and wait for a vote recommendation to happen to them: they can take the initiative and interact direct to ensure that the voting agency is in full possession of accurate information about the company and any areas of concern.

Tool #4 - Take it to the market

When a company has exhausted all other routes and still has concerns about shareholder understanding, then a board which is confident of its position can take it to the market. It can develop a tactical plan to proactively put information into the public domain to ensure full disclosure and transparency amongst all shareholders about any areas which may otherwise prove contentious. A recent example is easyJet, which earlier this year published and explained its remuneration policy and provided justifiable reasons for poor NED attendance at board meetings.

Tool #5 –Be ready for the future proposals on directors’ pay

The final tool in your kitbag is ensuring that your fellow board members are fully up to speed with Vince Cable’s proposals on directors pay. They are intended to address the disconnect between pay and performance and unsurprisingly they move the UK towards the US system of Say-On-Pay. Boards should proactively address the implications of these proposals as they start to firm up.


CEOs and FDs have some great weapons in their kitbag which they can organise like a military campaign to create winning strategies without hostilities. The messages emerging from the current levels of shareholder activism are that investor communication is all. Proactive, high levels of engagement and understanding are essential. Alignment of board strategy and shareholder interest is the guiding principle.

Rachel Maguire is the Investor Communications Director at Arko Iris. This article first appeared in economia.

Photograph: Getty Images

Rachel Maguire is the Investor Communications Director at Arko Iris

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Q&A: What are tax credits and how do they work?

All you need to know about the government's plan to cut tax credits.

What are tax credits?

Tax credits are payments made regularly by the state into bank accounts to support families with children, or those who are in low-paid jobs. There are two types of tax credit: the working tax credit and the child tax credit.

What are they for?

To redistribute income to those less able to get by, or to provide for their children, on what they earn.

Are they similar to tax relief?

No. They don’t have much to do with tax. They’re more of a welfare thing. You don’t need to be a taxpayer to receive tax credits. It’s just that, unlike other benefits, they are based on the tax year and paid via the tax office.

Who is eligible?

Anyone aged over 16 (for child tax credits) and over 25 (for working tax credits) who normally lives in the UK can apply for them, depending on their income, the hours they work, whether they have a disability, and whether they pay for childcare.

What are their circumstances?

The more you earn, the less you are likely to receive. Single claimants must work at least 16 hours a week. Let’s take a full-time worker: if you work at least 30 hours a week, you are generally eligible for working tax credits if you earn less than £13,253 a year (if you’re single and don’t have children), or less than £18,023 (jointly as part of a couple without children but working at least 30 hours a week).

And for families?

A family with children and an income below about £32,200 can claim child tax credit. It used to be that the more children you have, the more you are eligible to receive – but George Osborne in his most recent Budget has limited child tax credit to two children.

How much money do you receive?

Again, this depends on your circumstances. The basic payment for a single claimant, or a joint claim by a couple, of working tax credits is £1,940 for the tax year. You can then receive extra, depending on your circumstances. For example, single parents can receive up to an additional £2,010, on top of the basic £1,940 payment; people who work more than 30 hours a week can receive up to an extra £810; and disabled workers up to £2,970. The average award of tax credit is £6,340 per year. Child tax credit claimants get £545 per year as a flat payment, plus £2,780 per child.

How many people claim tax credits?

About 4.5m people – the vast majority of these people (around 4m) have children.

How much does it cost the taxpayer?

The estimation is that they will cost the government £30bn in April 2015/16. That’s around 14 per cent of the £220bn welfare budget, which the Tories have pledged to cut by £12bn.

Who introduced this system?

New Labour. Gordon Brown, when he was Chancellor, developed tax credits in his first term. The system as we know it was established in April 2003.

Why did they do this?

To lift working people out of poverty, and to remove the disincentives to work believed to have been inculcated by welfare. The tax credit system made it more attractive for people depending on benefits to work, and gave those in low-paid jobs a helping hand.

Did it work?

Yes. Tax credits’ biggest achievement was lifting a record number of children out of poverty since the war. The proportion of children living below the poverty line fell from 35 per cent in 1998/9 to 19 per cent in 2012/13.

So what’s the problem?

Well, it’s a bit of a weird system in that it lets companies pay wages that are too low to live on without the state supplementing them. Many also criticise tax credits for allowing the minimum wage – also brought in by New Labour – to stagnate (ie. not keep up with the rate of inflation). David Cameron has called the system of taxing low earners and then handing them some money back via tax credits a “ridiculous merry-go-round”.

Then it’s a good thing to scrap them?

It would be fine if all those low earners and families struggling to get by would be given support in place of tax credits – a living wage, for example.

And that’s why the Tories are introducing a living wage...

That’s what they call it. But it’s not. The Chancellor announced in his most recent Budget a new minimum wage of £7.20 an hour for over-25s, rising to £9 by 2020. He called this the “national living wage” – it’s not, because the current living wage (which is calculated by the Living Wage Foundation, and currently non-compulsory) is already £9.15 in London and £7.85 in the rest of the country.

Will people be better off?

No. Quite the reverse. The IFS has said this slightly higher national minimum wage will not compensate working families who will be subjected to tax credit cuts; it is arithmetically impossible. The IFS director, Paul Johnson, commented: “Unequivocally, tax credit recipients in work will be made worse off by the measures in the Budget on average.” It has been calculated that 3.2m low-paid workers will have their pay packets cut by an average of £1,350 a year.

Could the government change its policy to avoid this?

The Prime Minister and his frontbenchers have been pretty stubborn about pushing on with the plan. In spite of criticism from all angles – the IFS, campaigners, Labour, The Sun – Cameron has ruled out a review of the policy in the Autumn Statement, which is on 25 November. But there is an alternative. The chair of parliament’s Work & Pensions Select Committee and Labour MP Frank Field has proposed what he calls a “cost neutral” tweak to the tax credit cuts.

How would this alternative work?

Currently, if your income is less than £6,420, you will receive the maximum amount of tax credits. That threshold is called the gross income threshold. Field wants to introduce a second gross income threshold of £13,100 (what you earn if you work 35 hours a week on minimum wage). Those earning a salary between those two thresholds would have their tax credits reduced at a slower rate on whatever they earn above £6,420 up to £13,100. The percentage of what you earn above the basic threshold that is deducted from your tax credits is called the taper rate, and it is currently at 41 per cent. In contrast to this plan, the Tories want to halve the income threshold to £3,850 a year and increase the taper rate to 48 per cent once you hit that threshold, which basically means you lose more tax credits, faster, the more you earn.

When will the tax credit cuts come in?

They will be imposed from April next year, barring a u-turn.

Anoosh Chakelian is deputy web editor at the New Statesman.