Alison Carnwarth: “I sometimes... don’t go to sleep at all because I’m anxious”

Why did Alison Carnwarth quit? Her last interview gives a few clues.

Alison Carnwarth has just quit her position on Barclays' board, continuing a series of resignations which has included Marcus Agius, Bob Diamond and Jerry del Missier.

Her statement read: “With regret I have concluded that I am no longer able to devote sufficient time to my role as a director of Barclays given my other commitments.”

She cited no other reasons, and her decision has left people speculating. But her most recent interview, given to economia magazine, gives a few clues. Here's an extract:

“None of us can be proud of how all this [Bob Diamond's renumeration package] was portrayed to the great British public.” She’s keen to point out that she is aware of the mood in the country, and what “people have had to put up with, ordinary people like you and me. When I’m not doing my job I’m an ordinary person. “But, remuneration and risks aside, to sit on the board of somewhere like Barclays, you have a window on how the world is working. You see where the capital flows are around the world, you see where the liquidity is, and you see where the stresses are in the financial system.”

Like any ordinary person, she worries. “I sometimes wake up worried – or don’t go to sleep at all because I’m anxious,” she says. “That’s not so good. Last night I lay awake fretting about something. I then have to stand up and somehow all the worry drains out of my feet, or I write things down."

She said that "a lot of pressures" had come to bear on the remuneration committee.

“It’s not easy, and we don’t always get it right. We clearly didn’t get it right this year. The shareholders were a little upset, although they weren’t upset in the same way as we’ve seen at other companies; our proposals did get through. But, whereas in previous years we would have got perhaps 85% voting in favour of our remuneration report, this year it was just over 70%. So clearly there were some major institutions that were not in agreement with what we did, and we must try to communicate better.”

“I’m very sensitive to the general feeling out there, when people are miserable and unemployed."

The full interview can be read in Friday's economia.

Barclays. Photograph, Getty Images.
Photo:Getty
Show Hide image

Why isn't Labour putting forward Corbynite candidates?

Despite his successes as a candidate, the organisational victories have gone the way of Corbyn's opponents. 

The contest changes, but the result remains the same: Jeremy Corbyn’s preferred candidate defeated in a parliamentary selection. Afzhal Khan is Labour’s candidate in the Manchester Gorton by-election and the overwhelming favourite to be the seat’s next MP.

Although Khan, an MEP, was one of  the minority of Labour’s European MPs to dissent from a letter from the European parliamentary Labour party calling for Jeremy Corbyn to go in the summer of 2016, he backed Andy Burnham and Tom Watson in 2015, and it is widely believed, fairly or unfairly, that Khan had, as one local activist put it, “the brains to know which way the wind was blowing” rather than being a pukka Corbynite.

For the leader’s office, it was a double defeat;  their preferred candidate, Sam Wheeler, was kept off the longlist, when the party’s Corbynsceptics allied with the party’s BAME leadership to draw up an all ethnic minority shortlist, and Yasmine Dar, their back-up option, was narrowly defeated by Khan among members in Manchester Gorton.

But even when the leadership has got its preferred candidate to the contest, they have been defeated. That even happened in Copeland, where the shortlist was drawn up by Corbynites and designed to advantage Rachel Holliday, the leader’s office preferred candidate.

Why does the Labour left keep losing? Supporters combination of bad luck and bad decisions for the defeat.

In Oldham West, where Michael Meacher, a committed supporter of Jeremy Corbyn’s, was succeeded by Jim McMahon, who voted for Liz Kendall, McMahon was seen to be so far ahead that they had no credible chance of stopping him. Rosena Allin-Khan was a near-perfect candidate to hold the seat of Tooting: a doctor at the local hospital, the seat’s largest employer, with links to both the Polish and Pakistani communities that make up the seat’s biggest minority blocs.  Gillian Troughton, who won the Copeland selection, is a respected local councillor.

But the leadership has also made bad decisions, some claim.  The failure to get a candidate in Manchester Gorton was particularly egregious, as one trade unionist puts it: “We all knew that Gerald was not going to make it [until 2020], they had a local boy with good connections to the trade unions, that contest should have been theirs for the taking”. Instead, they lost control of the selection panel because Jeremy Corbyn missed an NEC meeting – the NEC is hung at present as the Corbynsceptics sacrificed their majority of one to retain the chair – and with it their best chance of taking the seat.

Others close to the leadership point out that for the first year of Corbyn’s leadership, the leader’s office was more preoccupied with the struggle for survival than it was with getting more of its people in. Decisions in by-elections were taken on the hop and often in a way that led to problems later down the line. It made sense to keep Mo Azam, from the party’s left, off the shortlist in Oldham West when Labour MPs were worried for their own seats and about the Ukip effect if Labour selected a minority candidate. But that enraged the party’s minority politicians and led directly to the all-ethnic-minority shortlist in Manchester Gorton.

They also point out that the party's councillor base, from where many candidates are drawn, is still largely Corbynsceptic, though they hope that this will change in the next round of local government selections. (Councillors must go through a reselection process at every election.)

But the biggest shift has very little to do with the Labour leadership. The big victories for the Labour left in internal battles under Ed Miliband were the result of Unite and the GMB working together. Now they are, for various reasons, at odds and the GMB has proven significantly better at working shortlists and campaigning for its members to become MPs.  That helps Corbynsceptics. “The reason why so many of the unions supported Jeremy the first time,” one senior Corbynite argues, “Is they wanted to move the Labour party a little bit to the left. They didn’t want a socialist transformation of the Labour party. And actually if you look at the people getting selected they are not Corbynites, but they are not Blairites either, and that’s what the unions wanted.”

Regardless of why, it means that, two years into Corbyn’s leadership, the Labour left finds itself smaller in parliament than it was at the beginning.  

Stephen Bush is special correspondent at the New Statesman. His daily briefing, Morning Call, provides a quick and essential guide to British politics.