Regenerative Medicine Rising in the East

Asian markets at the forefront of regenerative medicine advancements.

Across the pharmaceutical industry, the Asia-Pacific has grown in importance, attracting big pharma to the region with its easy access to patient populations and low manufacturing costs.  In addition, generic drug manufacturing has massively boosted the market. However, one area in which the Asia-Pacific has really been forging its own path is in regenerative medicine. Encompassing stem cell therapy, gene therapy and tissue engineering, this innovative area of science offers the chance to repair damaged tissue and restore proper functioning to cells. It is an area of increasing interest globally, with massive potential, as demand for novel curative and reparative therapies soars as a result of the growing aged populations and rising incidence of cancers and chronic diseases. However, to date, regulatory bodies have been unwilling to approve gene therapies and stem cell therapies in the west, because of the unproven nature of the science. Instead, Asia-Pacific countries have emerged at the forefront of the commercial clinical use of these pioneering approaches.

China has led the way in gene therapy approvals to date, with Gendicine and Oncorine hitting the market in 2003 and 2005 respectively. These approvals demonstrated an important fact – that China was serious about developing regenerative medicine, sensing an opportunity to enter a young, growing market at an early stage and attract industry attention with favourable approval mechanisms. This has been replicated across other Asia-Pacific countries. In South Korea, the world’s first approved clinical stem cell treatment is Hearticellgram-AMI from FCB-Pharmicell, which uses a stem cell transplant from the patient to improve heart function. This was approved in 2011 and was followed by two other stem cell therapies in 2012. Their long-term success in the market has yet to be determined, but they represent important milestones in regenerative medicine commercialisation. Singapore, meanwhile, has made a deliberate effort to set itself up as a hub of regenerative medicine research.

It isn’t just local companies that are getting in on the action in the Asia-Pacific – US company Epieus Biotechnologies commercialised its cancer gene therapy Rexin-G in the Phillippines, and US companies such as Vical and Genzyme have entered into collaborations with Asian companies.

Some of the same advantages that make approval easier in countries such as China also damage the country’s chances of leading the industry, however. Regulations governing approval are less strict, which has led to the early approvals of therapies such as Gendicine and Oncorine. This lack of stringency in the requirements for approval has meant that without extensive further testing, the therapies cannot enter other markets such as the US and EU. In addition, there is general scepticism as to the actual benefit of therapies approved without detailed clinical trial data. In addition, despite China having a high number of patients with head and neck cancer who could benefit from the approved therapies, reimbursement and insurance coverage limitations for Chinese citizens mean that access is severely restricted. Consequently, the revenues of therapies such as Gendicine, previously predicted as having blockbuster potential, have remained stubbornly disappointing. Benda Pharmaceuticals, who own the rights to the product, was worth only $4.1m in 2010.

The unproven and unfamiliar nature of the science has led to caution from regulatory bodies and has been a frustrating deterrent to R&D by industry in the US and EU, but high patient populations, more permissive approval processes and a desire to gain a competitive advantage in a developing area with high growth potential have given the Asia-Pacific a head start in regenerative medicine. Western governments and industry are paying increasing attention to the region, attempting to ensure that they are not losing ground in the regenerative medicine market but also keen to leverage the opportunities offered in the Asia-Pacific as acceptance, demand and expertise flourish there. 

Amy Baker is a Life Science Analyst at GBI Research

Photograph: Getty Images

Amy Baker is a Life Science Analyst at GBI Research.

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By refusing to stand down, Jeremy Corbyn has betrayed the British working classes

The most successful Labour politicians of the last decades brought to politics not only a burning desire to improve the lot of the working classes but also an understanding of how free market economies work.

Jeremy Corbyn has defended his refusal to resign the leadership of the Labour Party on the grounds that to do so would be betraying all his supporters in the country at large. But by staying on as leader of the party and hence dooming it to heavy defeat in the next general election he would be betraying the interests of the working classes this country. More years of Tory rule means more years of austerity, further cuts in public services, and perpetuation of the gross inequality of incomes. The former Chief Secretary to the Treasury, Seema Malhotra, made the same point when she told Newsnight that “We have an unelectable leader, and if we lose elections then the price of our failure is paid by the working people of this country and their families who do not have a government to stand up for them.”

Of course, in different ways, many leading figures in the Labour movement, particularly in the trade unions, have betrayed the interests of the working classes for several decades. For example, in contrast with their union counterparts in the Scandinavian countries who pressurised governments to help move workers out of declining industries into expanding sectors of the economy, many British trade union leaders adopted the opposite policy. More generally, the trade unions have played a big part in the election of Labour party leaders, like Corbyn, who were unlikely to win a parliamentary election, thereby perpetuating the rule of Tory governments dedicated to promoting the interests of the richer sections of society.

And worse still, even in opposition Corbyn failed to protect the interests of the working classes. He did this by his abysmal failure to understand the significance of Tory economic policies. For example, when the Chancellor of the Exchequer had finished presenting the last budget, in which taxes were reduced for the rich at the expense of public services that benefit everybody, especially the poor, the best John McConnell could do – presumably in agreement with Corbyn – was to stand up and mock the Chancellor for having failed to fulfill his party’s old promise to balance the budget by this year! Obviously neither he nor Corbyn understood that had the government done so the effects on working class standards of living would have been even worse. Neither of them seems to have learnt that the object of fiscal policy is to balance the economy, not the budget.

Instead, they have gone along with Tory myth about the importance of not leaving future generations with the burden of debt. They have never asked “To whom would future generations owe this debt?” To their dead ancestors? To Martians? When Cameron and his accomplices banged on about how important it was to cut public expenditures because the average household in Britain owed about £3,000, they never pointed out that this meant that the average household in Britain was a creditor to the tune of about the same amount (after allowing for net overseas lending). Instead they went along with all this balanced budget nonsense. They did not understand that balancing the budget was just the excuse needed to justify the prime objective of the Tory Party, namely to reduce public expenditures in order to be able to reduce taxes on the rich. For Corbyn and his allies to go along with an overriding objective of balancing the budget is breathtaking economic illiteracy. And the working classes have paid the price.

One left-wing member of the panel on Question Time last week complained that the interests of the working classes were ignored by “the elite”. But it is members of the elite who have been most successful in promoting the interests of the working classes. The most successful pro-working class governments since the war have all been led mainly by politicians who would be castigated for being part of the elite, such as Clement Atlee, Harold Wilson, Tony Crosland, Barbara Castle, Richard Crossman, Roy Jenkins, Denis Healey, Tony Blair, and many others too numerous to list. They brought to politics not only a burning desire to improve the lot of the working classes (from which some of them, like me, had emerged) and reduce inequality in society but also an understanding of how free market economies work and how to deal with its deficiencies. This happens to be more effective than ignorant rhetoric that can only stroke the egos and satisfy the vanity of demagogues

People of stature like those I have singled out above seem to be much more rare in politics these days. But there is surely no need to go to other extreme and persist with leaders like Jeremy Corbyn, a certain election loser, however pure his motives and principled his ambitions.

Wilfred Beckerman is an Emeritus Fellow of Balliol College, Oxford, and was, for several years in the 1970s, the economics correspondent for the New Statesman