Facebook status: down, but far from out

Reasons to be upbeat.

The fever pitch of speculation building up to Facebook’s IPO less than a week ago has been replaced by doomsayers revelling in the 11 per cent price slump since Friday’s launch. Should Mark Zuckerberg and the rest of Facebook’s newly minted billionaire founders, and almost 1,000 paper millionaire employees, be concerned by the drop since listing? No, there are several reasons to be upbeat.

The doomsayers have loved the downward stock slide. Stories of the NASDAQ’s technology wobbles and Morgan Stanley having to keep the stock price up soon after its listing are what you’d expect. People love the fact that the bigger they are, the harder they fall.

But there are several reasons for Facebook’s stockholders to take heart.

Firstly, let’s not forget Facebook’s $38 listing price was well above its initial expectations. Only weeks before the May 18 IPO, it was forecast to sell 337.4 million shares for between $28 and $35 per share, raising between $9 bn and $12 bn.

Five days before the list date, it raised the total number of shares to 421.2 m and ended up listing at this much higher level – netting $16bn and giving it a market capitalisation of about $104bn at listing.

To put this into context, Google offered 19m shares in its 2004 IPO, listing at $85 per share. It raised $1.67bn on market capitalisation of US$23 bn.

This gave Google the war chest it needed to launch a vast slew of mergers and acquisitions in the following years, including the high-profile purchase of YouTube in 2007.

Facebook’s IPO has raised 10 times Google’s amount from the sale, with market capitalisation three times Google’s – giving a serious steroid boost to its M&A budget. Facebook’s pre-IPO purchase of Instagram will be the first of many, helping the world’s most well-known social networking site, cement its market-leading position.

Interesting research from boutique researcher WealthInsight, The Facebook Elite, suggests that even if Facebook’s IPO may be overpriced, it does not mean that the company is not highly valuable.

Facebook’s earnings were $972m for the 12 months up until March 2012. Off revenue of $4.0bn, this represents a high profit margin of 24 per cent, putting it in line with the likes of Apple (30 per cent) and Google (27 per cent).

Facebook also makes more money from advertising than any other website and accounts for 28 per cent of display ads seen online. As more and more advertising moves online, Facebook’s revenues will almost certainly increase. Facebook had 901 million monthly active users (MAUs) and an average of 526 million daily active users as of 31 March 2012, an increase of 33 per cent and 41 per cent, respectively, compared to March, 2011. At the same time, Facebook’s 60 per cent penetration rate of internet users in the US and 45 per cent penetration rate of the world’s 2 billion internet users, together suggest that Facebook’s user base still has significant room for growth.

Facebook’s stock price will continue to attract attention, and will no doubt suffer periodic dips. Google suffered a big drop in late 2008, but now sells for more than $600. Facebook’s stocks may have dipped, but they are likely to rise far further.

Nicholas Moody is the editor of Private Banker International at VRL Financial News. He has written more about Facebook's recent venture here.

Photograph: Getty Images
Photo: Getty
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Labour's purge: how it works, and what it means

The total number of people removed will be small - but the rancour will linger. 

Labour has just kicked off its first big wave of expulsions, purging many voters from the party’s leadership rolls. Twitter is ablaze with activists who believe they have been kicked out because they are supporters of Jeremy Corbyn. There are, I'm told, more expulsions to come - what's going on?  Is Labour purging its rolls of Corbyn supporters?

The short answer is “No”.

If that opener feels familiar, it should: I wrote it last year, when the last set of purges kicked off, and may end up using it again next year. Labour has stringent rules about expressing support for other candidates and membership of other parties, which account for the bulk of the expulsions. It also has a code of conduct on abusive language which is also thinning the rolls, with supporters of both candidates being kicked off. 

Although the party is in significantly better financial shape than last year, it still is running a skeleton staff and is recovering from an expensive contest (in this case, to keep Britain in the European Union). The compliance unit itself remains small, so once again people from across the party staff have been dragooned in.

The process this year is pretty much the same: Labour party headquarters doesn’t have any bespoke software to match its voters against a long list of candidates in local elections, compiled last year and added to the list of candidates that stood against Labour in the 2016 local and devolved elections, plus a large backlog of complaints from activists.

It’s that backlog that is behind many of the highest-profile and most controversial examples. Last year, in one complaint that was not upheld, a local member was reported to the Compliance Unit for their failure to attend their local party’s annual barbecue. The mood in Labour, in the country and at Westminster, is significantly more bitter this summer than last and the complaints more personal. Ronnie Draper, the general secretary of the Bfawu, the bakers’ union, one of Corbyn’s biggest supporters in the trade union movement, has been expelled, reported for tweets which included the use of the word “traitors” to refer to Labour opponents of Corbyn.  Jon Will Chambers, former bag carrier to Stella Creasy, and a vocal Corbyn critic on Twitter, has been kicked out for using a “Theresa May” twibbon to indicate his preference for May over Andrea Leadsom, in contravention of the party’s rules.

Both activities breach the letter of the party’s rules although you can (and people will) make good arguments against empowering other people to comb through the social media profiles of their opponents for reasons to dob them in.  (In both cases, I wouldn’t be shocked if both complaints were struck down on appeal)

I would be frankly astonished if Corbyn’s margin of victory – or defeat, as unlikely as that remains in my view – isn’t significantly bigger than the number of people who are barred from voting, which will include supporters of both candidates, as well as a number of duplicates (some people who paid £25 were in fact members before the freeze date, others are affliated trade unionists, and so on). 

What is unarguably more significant, as one party staffer reflected is, “the complaints are nastier now [than last year]”. More and more of the messages to compliance are firmly in what you might call “the barbecue category” – they are obviously groundless and based on personal animosity. That doesn’t feel like the basis of a party that is ready to unite at any level. Publicly and privately, most people are still talking down the chances of a split. It may prove impossible to avoid.

Stephen Bush is special correspondent at the New Statesman. He usually writes about politics.