The NS Interview: Tracy Emin

"I don’t need a life model, I am my life model”

What are you trying to convey on the NS cover?
That art and culture are dead - it's the state that Britain is in financially after 30 years of ill-considered government. The tragedy is that it's the arts that have kept Britain afloat during this fucking drought. And it's the arts that are the first things to get slashed.

Do you blame Labour?
I think Labour was appallingly shit towards the arts. People like Andy Burnham, they're philistines. This sounds snobby, but in the Tory party - Jeremy Hunt and Ed Vaizey - they know about art. I'm having lunch with them; they're in touch with artists.

How did you vote in the last election?
I voted for the Conservatives. I live in a democracy; it's up to me who I vote for. We've got the best government we've ever had.

Have you always been a Tory?
It's not about party politics; it's about the individuals. I think Margaret Thatcher should be tried for crimes against humanity.

So how do you engage in politics?
The best thing to do is to vote for the best thing for yourself and then make the country a better place, not vote for old-fashioned, out-of-date ideals that don't work in Britain any more.

What is the purpose of art?
Art is the soul of all countries. If you rip that away, they become nebulous, moronic societies.

How did you know what kind of artist you wanted to be?
I didn't want to be a debutante having a day out. I wanted my art to make a difference, to show people, especially women, that you can be an
artist. You don't have to be a man with a beard.

Was it difficult to become established?
I left school at 13, so to get into university was a bloody triumph. It's always been a struggle.

Why is your own life your principal subject?
I don't need a life model - I am my life model. I've drawn what I know.

Has your celebrity overshadowed your work?
It's a big thing, as a female artist, to be recognised in the street. It isn't normal. But I make a living out of my art. It's my vocation. I'm not
a celebrity.

Is there a side of your art that you feel has been ignored?
I've made work about God and love, but it's sex, sport and scandal that sell. If I'm going to put my dirty knickers on my bed, what do I expect? But just because I'm provocative doesn't mean that people have to go around raping me.

Is that what it feels like?
Yes. When you read the newspaper and it says, "She's nothing but a media whore," you think: "No, I'm not. And they're putting me on the front cover, so they're the pimps."

Is integrity lacking in contemporary art?
Matisse lived in the south of France and he hung out with the Vichy party. For me, Matisse misses a few notes for that. Being an artist, you have a responsibility for your art, but you also have a responsibility for being a correct person.

How do you maintain integrity in your work?
You're presuming that I have integrity. A lot of people wouldn't.

Do you feel critics have been unfair to you?
People aren't cruel about my work; they're cruel to me. But I'm bigger than them. I'm tougher than that.

Is your legacy important to you?
I don't have children and I'll never have children. I don't have a partner. I'm weird. It's about self-preservation and understanding that there's only one person who's going to look after you, and that's yourself.

How do you want to be remembered?
I'd just like the work to be looked after. The Tate has a big room of my work, so a little bit of me stays within history. Also, I have a trust - my studio will become a museum.

What does it feel like to be a subject of study?
I was going to apply to Kent University to do a PhD on myself - I know I'm misunderstood, so it would be good to put it down in writing.

Is there anything you'd like to forget?
Sometimes I'd like to forget who I am.

Is there a plan?
There's always a five-year plan. Even when I thought there was no future, I had one.

So what's your five-year plan now?
I'll be 52 [in five years]. I hope my life will be a lot quieter. What I'd love is someone to look after me. But I don't think that's going to happen.

Are we all doomed?
No, we're not. We have to fight, we have to have faith and we have to look after each other. It's not preaching - it's common sense.

Defining Moments

1963 Born in London
1989 Completes MA at Royal College of Art
1994 Holds her first solo show, "My Major Retrospective", at White Cube gallery
1999 Shortlisted for Turner Prize
2005 Publishes her memoir, Strangeland
2007 Becomes a Royal Academician and represents Britain at the 52nd Venice Biennale
2008 Major retrospective at the Scottish National Gallery of Modern Art

Sophie Elmhirst is features editor of the New Statesman

This article first appeared in the 11 October 2010 issue of the New Statesman, Melvyn Bragg guest edit

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No peace after progress

How the death of the industrial way of life gave us choice – and stoked resentment and fear.

Now that the making of useful and necessary things in Britain is only a shadow of what it once was, we can see more clearly the effects of the Manufacturing Age. The cost was high to the producers of prodigious wealth; a ten-year difference in life expectancy remains between people living in the richest areas and those in Glasgow. The (fleeting, it now seems) visitation of industrialism has made life more comfortable and its dismantling has liberated millions from choiceless occupations. The legacy is one of spectacular improvement, unequally shared.

Perhaps the most dramatic experience of the 20th century was the suddenness with which profligate plenty replaced a skinflint subsistence. Was it the speed of this that distracted us from wondering why, instead of the secure sustenance that generations of needy people had asked of an unyielding economic system, we were offered a promiscuous spillage of goods, promoted with quasi-religious zeal by the converts of a capitalism that had previously delivered to most of its captive workers a life of penury? Such a rapid reversal might have alerted us to changes beneath the surface that elided losses incurred.

The greatest of these was certainly not the extinction of the industrial way of life itself, release from which has been an unqualified blessing. But the transition from relentlessly work-driven lives (in the 1950s, two-thirds of Britain’s workers were still manual labourers) was marked by perfunctory obituaries for the disintegration of industrial communities, with no acknowledgement that, for a century and a half, they had represented the inescapable destiny of the people they sheltered.

Even less recognition was given to the fortitude with which they had borne a long, coercive labour. A way of life, buried without ceremony in the unmarked grave of progress, could not be mourned; and this has generated some social pathologies of our time: resentment over an arbitrary obliteration of industry, disengagement from a party of labour by those it called, like feudal lords, its “own people”, loss of memory of the economic migrants we also were, passing from the goad of industry into the pastures of consumption, and thence into the liberating servitude of technology.

Grief makes no judgement on the intrinsic value of what is lost. Absence of the known and familiar is the object of melancholy in its own right, even if replaced by something immeasurably better. Objectively, there was little to mourn in the vanished industrial way of life: insufficiency and humiliation, malice of overseer and manager, officiousness of poor-law administrator and means-test man. Male industrial workers exhausted in body and spirit, instead of protecting those for whom the power of their hands was the only shelter against destitution, visited similar punishment on their wives and children. There is nothing to be lamented in an end to the penitential life of women, scrubbing not only the red tiles of the kitchen floor, but even an arc of pavement outside the front door; their interception of men on payday before wages were wasted on beer and oblivion; the clenching against joyless invasion of their bodies in the boozy aftermath. But it was the only life they knew, and they adhered to it with grim stoicism and even pride.

There is much to be said for their resistance. The fragile lattice formed by women’s arms was often the only safety net against destitution. Trade unions and friendly and burial societies that shielded folk from economic violence foreshadowed the welfare state and the National Health Service.

The life of labouring people in Britain was strikingly homogeneous, despite diversity of occupation, dialect and local sensibility. There was the same collective experience: terraced house with parlour reserved for celebration or mourning; the three-piece suite, plaster figure on a stand behind the window, chenille curtain against the draught, engraving of The Stag at Bay on the wall; the deal table and Windsor chairs in the living room, the mantelpiece a domestic shrine with clock, candlesticks and pictures of soldiers smiling before they died; the music of cinders falling through the bars in the grate; cheerless bedrooms where husband and wife slept in high connubial state, more bier than bed, where sexual enjoyment was ritually sacrificed as flowers of frost formed on the inside of the window.

And everywhere photographs: wraithlike children with ringlets or in sailor suits, fated never to grow up; weddings in the back garden, a bouquet of lilies and a grandmother in boots and astrakhan hat; the smudged features of a kinsman no one can now identify. Identical memories, too: the shotgun wedding in the dingy finery of a Co-op hall; the funeral tableau around the grave, amid ominous inscriptions of “Sleeping where no shadows fall”; queues outside the ocean-going Savoy or Tivoli to watch Gone With the Wind; the pub where “Vilia” or “The Last Rose of Summer” was hammered out on a discordant piano.

The opening up of such sombre lives might have been expected to call forth cries of gratitude. Instead, a synthetic joy has emanated largely from the same sources that, until recently, offered people grudging survival only, the change of tune outsourced to producers of manufactured delight, purveyors of contrived euphoria to the people – a different order of industrial artefact from the shoes, utensils and textiles of another era.

***

A more authentic popular res­ponse exists beneath the official psalmody, a persistent murmur of discontent and powerlessness. Anger and aggression swirl around like dust and waste paper in the streets of our affluent, unequal society. As long-term recipients of the contempt of our betters, we know how to despise the vulnerable – people incapable of work, the poor, the timid and the fearful, those addicted to drugs and alcohol. Sullen resentment tarnishes the wealth of the world, a conviction that somebody else is getting the advantages that ought to be “ours” by right and by merit.

Rancour appears among those “left behind” in neighbourhoods besieged by unknown tongues and foreign accents: people who never voted for unchosen change, as all political options are locked up in a consensus of elites. “Give us back our country!”
they cry; even though that country is not in the custody of those from whom they would reclaim it. There was no space for the working class to grieve over its own dissolution. If, as E P Thompson said, that class was present at its own making, it was certainly not complicit in its own undoing.

Grief denied in individuals leads to damaging psychological disorders. There is no reason to believe that this differs for those bereaved of a known way of living. The working class has been colonised, as was the peasantry in the early industrial era. When the values, beliefs and myths of indigenous peoples are laid waste, these lose meaning, and people go to grieve in city slums and die from alcohol, drugs and other forms of self-inflicted violence. Though the dominant culture’s erasure of the manufacturing way of life in Britain was less intense than the colonial ruin of ancient societies, this subculture was equally unceremoniously broken. It is a question of degree. The ravages of drugs and alcohol and self-harm in silent former pit villages and derelict factory towns show convergence with other ruined cultures elsewhere in the world.

Depression is a symptom of repressed grief: here is the connection between unfinished mourning and popular resentment at having been cheated out of our fair share, our due, our place in the world. If we are unable to discern our own possible fate in suffering people now, this is perhaps a result of estrangement from unresolved wrongs in our own past. Nothing was ever explained. Globalisation occurred under a kind of social laissez-faire: no political education made the world more comprehensible to the disaffected and disregarded, people of small account to those who take decisions on their behalf and in their name.

Anyone who protested against our passage into this changed world was criminalised, called “wrecker” and “extremist”. The miners’ strike of 1984 was the symbol of this: their doomed fight to preserve a dignity achieved in pain and violence was presented by the merchants of deliverance not only as retrograde, but also as an act of outlawry. Resistance to compulsory change was derided as a response of nostalgics protecting the indefensible, when the whole world was on the brink of a new life. Early in her tenure of Downing Street, Margaret Thatcher, that sybil and prophet who knew about these things, warned that Britain would become “a less cosy, more abrasive” place: a vision confirmed by the Battle of Orgreave – redolent of civil war – and the anguish of Hillsborough.

It is too late to grieve now. Scar tissue has healed over the untreated wound. Though no one expects the ruling classes to understand the distress of perpetual “modernisation”, the leaders of labour might have been able to recognise capitalism’s realm of freedom and a gaudy consumerism that concealed hardening competitiveness and the growth of a crueller, more bitter society.

The ills of this best of all worlds, its excessive wealth and extreme inequality, are on show in hushed thoroughfares of London, shuttered sites of “inward investment”, where the only sound is the faint melody of assets appreciating; while elsewhere, people wait for charitable tins of denutrified substances to feed their family, or sit under a grubby duvet, a Styrofoam cup beseeching the pence of passers-by.

Unresolved feelings about industrialism, enforced with great harshness and abolished with equal contempt for those who served it, are certainly related to the stylish savagery of contemporary life. The alibi that present-day evils are an expression of “human nature” is a poor apology for what is clearly the nature – restless and opportunistic – of a social and economic system that has, so far at least, outwitted its opponents at every turn.

Jeremy Seabrook’s book “The Song of the Shirt” (C Hurst & Co) won the Bread and Roses Award for Radical Publishing 2016

This article first appeared in the 23 June 2016 issue of the New Statesman, Divided Britain