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Night at the Museum

As the guardians of the souls of our communities, local cultural institutions must fight and adapt i

Remember the turn of the millennium? An era associated with shiny new buildings and the launch of major gallery projects across the country, when culture was used as an engine for regeneration. Alongside the big-money projects, there was a demand from government and funders that cultural institutions demonstrate an impact on "real people". No longer could high art be ghettoised, now that it was financed through the Lottery. Culture had to provide lessons on how to be good citizens. Diversity and accessibility became all the rage, with museum and gallery managers filling in byzantine funding applications on the benefit to society of the arts, and launching project after project that had only a passing connection to collections or core business.

The vogue for "citizenship" now appears to have passed. How committed most institutions were anyway to working with communities is questionable. Community work became an exercise in ticking boxes, when we had to take on board that not everyone believed in the intrinsic value of the arts, and funding was dependent on our ability to demonstrate instrumental value.

The initial wave of such work came broadly in two forms. First, there was a swath of initiatives connected with people's entitlement to culture. At their core was the message that mere association with great art could open the smallest mind. Wheel in a group of young people from disadvantaged backgrounds, sit them in front of the right painting and their lives would be enhanced. Never mind the irrelevance to their lives; never mind that they doubtless had a number of cultures in which they already participated - this was all about ticking the right boxes while not actually doing anything very different.

Second, there were the press-worthy projects; those usually launched from the marketing department. These were often petitions or campaigns, designed to have broad social impact, built on (often literally) flashy websites. After the money had disappeared into the wallets of web developers, they usually failed to have much impact on anyone at all. But they looked good in the annual report.

Return to elitism

With a return of the notion of excellence, the changing atmosphere seems to have been met with a sense of relief that we can go back to doing what we've always done. Community projects and outreach work can be safely abandoned. Funding is no longer reliant on such things, and the prospect of a public school-­educated Tory government suggests elitism will be the new Stygian hue. In financial terms, things haven't changed, however. The funding for major museum works is still there and is seemingly unconnected to the needs of much of the population, if the recent work on the Ashmolean Museum in Oxford is anything to go by. Over £60m spent and an aim for only 500,000 visitors a year? The cash might have been mostly provided by private trusts and funds, but it demonstrates the irrelevance of such work to the majority of ordinary people.

In the likely event of a new government taking power next year that is committed to public spending cuts, the major national museums will be fine. The money, whether from charitable trusts or from government departments, will continue to flow to them. The funding - though lessening - for major work will also still be there. Rich men will still want to have gardens named after them; exhibitions of treasures stolen during imperial conquest will still need the imprimatur of the social elite. But for regional museums, for the locally funded and supported, even for university museums, the only likely impact is straitened circumstances.

Yet there's a trick being missed here. When funding cuts come, they will come first to the arts - unless the sector deploys a counter argument. In the world outside, the recession is already biting hard. And, over and above the debate about instrumental value, galleries and museums have a vital contribution to make in helping improve the lives of their neighbours, their funders (through taxation and Lottery tickets) and their audience.
This is especially true in times of recession. The impact on jobs and on the future levels of aspiration among young people is beginning to register. But the impact on the health and well-being of the average man, woman and child has barely begun to take effect. Recessions are about illness, depression and the ending of hopes, as much as they are about the economy.

Museums and galleries have a duty and an opportunity in all this. Publicly funded neutral spaces, guardians of the long-term souls of their communities - there are no better institutions to tackle the loss of hope implied by recession. And this contribution is immensely valuable in terms of dealing with the long-term impacts of recession on individuals, communities and the economy as a whole.

Arguing the case

It's time, then, to declare a wider purpose for the museum and gallery sector. At first sight, this may seem unlikely to catch the eye of the incoming government, which will be aiming for cuts first and a review of their long-term impact later. But the worst thing that culture could do now would be to withdraw into its shell, worry about its future funding and ignore the wider issues affecting society. That would achieve nothing. Worse, it would reinforce the arguments of those who see the sector as first in line when cuts to public spending are mooted. But the museum and gallery sector could offer an impressive bang for its buck if it presents its ­arguments correctly.

Projects that are to make a real difference need to learn from the mistakes of the box-­ticking era. There needs to be real, long-term engagement with communities. These cannot be one-week, one-month or six-month-long projects, where the participants are waved goodbye to at the door and never thought of again. They need to be co-created with the people involved, rather than made in a marketing office and thrown out in the general direction of a specific target "problem". And they need to be entered into with honesty and passion.

At the heart of museum community work, when done well, is actually a very Conservative philosophy - self-help. It's about giving people back control of their lives, allowing them to ­explore the issues facing them and their communities and to make the sometimes difficult choices only people on the ground can really make. Offering this sort of space, this sort of ­independent and committed involvement in developing solutions for individuals and communities, could and should be the focus of ­museum community engagement. This is about ensuring that an audience for galleries and museums survives. More than that, it's about ensuring that our cities, our economy and our cultures survive. But it's also a way of ensuring that the sector has a real role to play in helping the country to get back on its feet.

Vaughan Allen is the chief executive of Urbis

Making an entrance

According to Mark Taylor, director of the Museums Association, 1979 was a disastrous year: "There was an attempt by the Thatcher government to follow the American model - more freedom for museums, less control from above . . . it was every man for himself."

The genesis of New Labour precipitated a sea change: "They had a greater understanding of the role culture plays in all aspects of life. There was a push for museums to be part of government agendas, and it meant they could carry out a wider range of activities."

Labour also abolished entrance fees to 20 major national institutions. Visitor numbers skyrocketed and free museums have become cemented in the public's mind as an inalienable right, something an incoming Conservative government would be loath to dismantle.

Similarly, since 2003 the "Renaissance in the Regions" programme has provided almost £300m in funding for local museums, but its continuation beyond 2010 is far less certain. Taylor, however, sees the new generation of Tories as far less doctrinaire about public funding of the arts: "All indications are that the Conservatives understand the multifaceted nature of museums better than the Thatcher government."

Another good sign is that, in line with the recession, visitor numbers are booming: "As life seems more depressing, people turn to cultural pursuits, which is good news for us," says Taylor.

Stephen Morris

 

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This article first appeared in the 23 November 2009 issue of the New Statesman, Green Heroes and Villains

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We need to talk about the online radicalisation of young, white women

Alt-right women are less visible than their tiki torch-carrying male counterparts - but they still exist. 

In November 2016, the writer and TED speaker Siyanda Mohutsiwa tweeted a ground-breaking observation. “When we talk about online radicalisation we always talk about Muslims. But the radicalisation of white men online is at astronomical levels,” she wrote, inspiring a series of mainstream articles on the topic (“We need to talk about the online radicalisation of young, white men,” wrote Abi Wilkinson in The Guardian). It is now commonly accepted that online radicalisation is not limited to the work of Isis, which uses social media to spread propaganda and recruit new members. Young, white men frequently form alt-right and neo-Nazi beliefs online.

But this narrative, too, is missing something. When it comes to online radicalisation into extreme right-wing, white supremacist, or racist views, women are far from immune.

“It’s a really slow process to be brainwashed really,” says Alexandra*, a 22-year-old former-racist who adopted extreme views during the United States presidential election of 2016. In particular, she believed white people to be more intelligent than people of colour. “It definitely felt like being indoctrinated into a cult.”

Alexandra was “indoctrinated” on 4Chan, the imageboard site where openly racist views flourish, especially on boards such as /pol/. It is a common misconception that 4Chan is only used by loser, basement-dwelling men. In actuality, 4Chan’s official figures acknowledge 30 percent of its users are female. More women may frequent 4Chan and /pol/ than it first appears, as many do not announce their gender on the site because of its “Tits or GTFO” culture. Even when women do reveal themselves, they are often believed to be men who are lying for attention.

“There are actually a lot of females on 4chan, they just don't really say. Most of the time it just isn't relevant,” says Alexandra. Her experiences on the site are similar to male users who are radicalised by /pol/’s far-right rhetoric. “They sowed the seeds of doubt with memes,” she laughs apprehensively. “Dumb memes and stuff and jokes…

“[Then] I was shown really bullshit studies that stated that some races were inferior to others like… I know now that that’s bogus science, it was bad statistics, but I never bothered to actually look into the truth myself, I just believed what was told to me.”

To be clear, online alt-right radicalisation still skews majority male (and men make up most of the extreme far-right, though women have always played a role in white supremacist movements). The alt-right frequently recruits from misogynistic forums where they prey on sexually-frustrated males and feed them increasingly extreme beliefs. But Alexandra’s story reveals that more women are part of radical right-wing online spaces than might first be apparent.

“You’d think that it would never happen to you, that you would never hold such horrible views," says Alexandra. "But it just happened really slowly and I didn't even notice it until too late."

***

We are less inclined to talk about radical alt-right and neo-Nazi women because they are less inclined to carry out radical acts. Photographs that emerged from the white nationalist rally in Charlottesville this weekend revealed that it was mostly polo shirt-wearing young, white men picking up tiki torches, shouting racial slurs, and fighting with counter-protestors. The white supremacist and alt-right terror attacks of the last year have also been committed by men, not women. But just because women aren’t as visible doesn’t mean they are not culpable.  

“Even when people are alt-right or sympathisers with Isis, it’s a tiny percentage of people who are willing or eager to die for those reasons and those people typically have significant personal problems and mental health issues, or suicidal motives,” explains Adam Lankford, author of The Myth of Martyrdom: What Really Drives Suicide Bombers, Rampage Shooters, and Other Self-Destructive Killers.

“Both men and women can play a huge role in terms of shaping the radicalised rhetoric that then influences those rare people who commit a crime.”

Prominent alt-right women often publicly admit that their role is more behind-the-scenes. Ayla Stewart runs the blog Wife With a Purpose, where she writes about “white culture” and traditional values. She was scheduled to speak at the Charlottesville “Unite the Right” rally before dropping out due to safety concerns. In a blog post entitled “#Charlottesville May Have Redefined Women’s Roles in the Alt Right”, she writes:

“I’ve decided that the growth of the movement has necessitated that I pick and choose my involvement as a woman more carefully and that I’m more mindful to chose [sic] women’s roles only.”

These roles include public speaking (only when her husband is present), gaining medical skills, and “listening to our men” in order to provide moral support. Stewart declined to be interviewed for this piece.

It is clear, therefore, that alt-right women do not have to carry out violence to be radical or radicalised. In some cases, they are complicit in the violence that does occur. Lankford gives the example of the Camp Chapman attack, committed by a male Jordanian suicide bomber against a CIA base in Afghanistan.

“What the research suggests in that case was the guy who ultimately committed the suicide bombing may have been less radical than his wife,” he explains. “His wife was actually pushing him to be more radical and shaming him for his lack of courage.” 

***

Just because women are less likely to be violent doesn’t mean they are incapable of it.

Angela King is a former neo-Nazi who went to prison for her part in the armed robbery and assault of a Jewish shop owner. She now runs Life After Hate, a non-profit that aims to help former right-wing extremists. While part of a skinhead gang, it was her job to recruit other women to the cause.

“I was well known for the violence I was willing to inflict on others… often times the men would come up to me and say we don’t want to physically hurt a woman so can you take care of this,” King explains. “When I brought other women in I looked for the same qualities in them that I thought I had in myself.”

King's 1999 mugshot

 

These traits, King explains, were anger and a previous history of violence. She was 15 when she became involved with neo-Nazis, and explains that struggles with her sexuality and bullying had made her into a violent teenager.

“I was bullied verbally for years. I didn't fit in, I was socially awkward,” she says. One incident in particular stands out. Aged 12, King was physically bullied for the first time.

“I was humiliated in a way that even today I still am humiliated by this experience,” she says. One day, King made the mistake of sitting at a desk that “belonged” to a bully. “She started a fight with me in front of the entire class… I’ve always struggled with weight so I was a little bit pudgy, I had my little training bra on, and during the fight she ripped my shirt open in front of the entire class.

“At that age, having absolutely no self-confidence, I made the decision that if I became the bully, and took her place, I could never be humiliated like that again.”

Angela King, aged 18

King’s story is important because when it comes to online radicalisation, the cliché is that bullied, “loser” men are drawn to these alt-right and neo-Nazi communities. The most prominent women in the far-right (such as Stewart, and Lauren Southern, a YouTuber) are traditionally attractive and successful, with long blonde hair and flashing smiles. In actuality, women that are drawn to the movement online might be struggling, like King, to be socially accepted. This in no way justifies or excuses extreme behaviour, but can go some way to explaining how and why certain young women are radicalised. 

“At the age of 15 I had been bullied, raped. I had started down a negative path you know, experimenting with drugs, drinking, theft. And I was dealing with what I would call an acute identity crisis and essentially I was a very, very angry young woman who was socially awkward who did not feel like I had a place in the world, that I fit in anywhere. And I had no self-confidence or self-esteem. I hated everything about myself.”

King explains that Life After Hate’s research reveals that there are often non-ideological based precursors that lead people to far right groups. “Individuals don’t go to hate groups because they already hate everyone, they go seeking something. They go to fill some type of void in their lives that they’re not getting.”

None of this, of course, excuses the actions and beliefs of far-right extremists, but it does go some way to explaining how “normal” young people can be radicalised online. I ask Alexandra, the former 4Chan racist, if anything else was going on in her life when she was drawn towards extreme beliefs.

“Yes, I was lonely,” she admits.                                                       

***

That lonely men and women can both be radicalised in the insidious corners of the internet shouldn’t be surprising. For years, Isis has recruited vulnerable young women online, with children as young as 15 becoming "jihadi brides". We have now acknowledged that the cliché of virginal, spotty men being driven to far-right hate excludes the college-educated, clean-cut white men who made up much of the Unite the Right rally last weekend. We now must realise that right-wing women, too, are radicalised online, and they, too, are culpable for radical acts.  

It is often assumed that extremist women are radicalised by their husbands or fathers, which is aided by statements by far-right women themselves. The YouTuber, Southern, for example, once said:  

“Anytime they [the left] talk about the alt-right, they make it sound like it’s just about a bunch of guys in basements. They don’t mention that these guys have wives – supportive wives, who go to these meet-ups and these conferences – who are there – so I think it’s great for right-wing women to show themselves. We are here. You’re wrong.”

Although there is truth in this statement, women don’t have to have far-right husbands, brothers, or fathers in order to be drawn to white supremacist or alt-right movements. Although it doesn’t seem the alt-right are actively preying on young white women the same way they prey on young white men, many women are involved in online spaces that we wrongly assume are male-only. There are other spaces, such as Reddit's r/Hawtschwitz, where neo-Nazi women upload nude and naked selfies, carving a specific space for themselves in the online far-right. 

When we speak of women radicalised by husbands and fathers, we misallocate blame. Alexandra deeply regrets her choices, but she accepts they were her own. “I’m not going to deny that what I did was bad because I have to take responsibility for my actions,” she says.

Alexandra, who was “historically left-wing”, was first drawn to 4Chan when she became frustrated with the “self-righteousness” of the website Tumblr, favoured by liberal teens. Although she frequented the site's board for talking about anime, /a/, not /pol/, she found neo-Nazi and white supremacist beliefs were spread there too. 

“I was just like really fed up with the far left,” she says, “There was a lot of stuff I didn't like, like blaming males for everything.” From this, Alexandra became anti-feminist and this is how she was incrementally exposed to anti-Semitic and racist beliefs. This parallels the story of many radicalised males on 4Chan, who turn to the site from hatred of feminists or indeed, all women. 

 “What I was doing was racist, like I – deep down I didn't really fully believe it in my heart, but the seeds of doubt were sowed again and it was a way to fit in. Like, if you don't regurgitate their opinions exactly they’ll just bully you and run you off.”

King’s life changed in prison, where Jamaican inmates befriended her and she was forced to reassess her worldview. Alexandra now considers herself “basically” free from prejudices, but says trying to rid herself of extreme beliefs is like “detoxing from drugs”. She began questioning 4Chan when she first realised that they genuinely wanted Donald Trump to become president. “I thought that supporting Trump was just a dumb meme on the internet,” she says.

Nowadays, King dedicates her life to helping young people escape from far-right extremism. "Those of us who were involved a few decades ago we did not have this type of technology, cell phones were not the slim white phones we have today, they were giant boxes," she says. "With the younger individuals who contact us who grew up with this technology, we're definitely seeing people who initially stumbled across the violent far-right online and the same holds for men and women.

"Instead of having to be out in public in a giant rally or Klan meeting, individuals find hate online."

* Name has been changed

Amelia Tait is a technology and digital culture writer at the New Statesman.

This article first appeared in the 23 November 2009 issue of the New Statesman, Green Heroes and Villains