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Paul Routledge

Paul Routledge

Published 07 June 1999

Nothing can be allowed to embarrass Tony Blair. That's the most common explanation at Westminster of new Labour's decision to run the party's national executive elections three months early. Twice since his election, the Prime Minister has been given a rude awakening on the first day of the party conference: in 1997 when Peter Mandelson failed to win a seat, and again last year when four members of the Grassroots Alliance succeeded in surmounting hurdles placed in the way of dissent.

When the results were declared at Blackpool, Alastair Campbell toured the press pens to spin the results his way, rubbishing my copy over my shoulder. It won't happen again, because ballot papers have to be returned by Friday 14 June, and the outcome will be known well before the conference. If the Alliance candidates repeat their success, it will be long forgotten by the time delegates reach Bournemouth.

The former Labour general secretary, Lord Sawyer, is standing in the constituency section, offering modestly in his manifesto that "people like Neil Kinnock tell me that my years on the NEC really made a difference". Is this the same Sawyer, then plain Tom, who proclaimed that new rules for choosing the executive were required to prevent parliamentarians from dominating it? And does this mean peers are not parliamentarians?

Labour's bullish press notice about Gordon Brown's deal in Brussels on the withholding tax was only slightly marred by Millbank's inability to spell it. If I am to believe Phil Murphy, assistant general secretary (media communications), we will not become a nation of witholders.

Liberal Democrat insiders are now saying that the forthcoming party leadership may turn out to be only a "primary". That is to say the new leader will not be on the throne long if the Lib Dems do badly at the general election. Which they will - or less well, anyway. That is being touted as the real reason for Ming Campbell's unexpected withdrawal from the race to succeed Paddy Ashdown, leaving only six likelies in the field: the favourite, Charles Kennedy; the education spokesman, Don Foster, who has the House interplanetary alien, Lembit Opik, pitching for him; Simon Hughes, who would have some difficulty organising his way out of a paper bag; Jackie Ballard, who has the vociferous support of town councillors and the beards 'n' sandals brigade; David Rendel, who is preserving an old-Etonian aloofness; and Malcolm Bruce, whose new wife is said to be extremely ambitious for him. Nick Harvey, the Lib Dems' sole Eurosceptic in the Commons (though he is nearer the membership on this issue), is understood to be miffed at Campbell's precipitate exit because it extinguishes any role for him.

This is a war as real as Nato's and just as undeclared. Despite the ban on campaigning until after 10 June, gofers for the candidates are never off the phone to journalists. Serious politicos in the party are determined that the leadership election will put clear orange water between the Lib Dems and new Labour. "Cosying up to Blair may have been good for Paddy's ego, but it's done nothing for the party electorally," says my Cowley Street snout.

The authorities have not finished with Peter Mandelson, it seems. I have been asked to furnish dates, places and the like about the now-infamous £373,000 home loan that brought down the former trade secretary. Alas, I am unable to help, having no further information to hand, and my sources are unwilling to reopen the affair. Donald Macintyre's account of the disgraced MP's actions is the fullest we have, though plainly not enough for the Commons Standards and Privileges Committee. And I have more pressing business. I have signed up to write a biography of Airey Neave, the man who gave us Margaret Thatcher. He led a remarkable life before being assassinated at Westminster by the INLA 20 years ago: soldier, escapee from Colditz, secret agent, Nuremberg prosecutor and campaign manager for the Iron Lady. If anyone has any information, I would be grateful to hear it.

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